Israel’s spiralling offensive - FT中文网
登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
请输入邮箱和密码进行绑定操作:
请输入手机号码,通过短信验证(目前仅支持中国大陆地区的手机号):
请您阅读我们的用户注册协议隐私权保护政策,点击下方按钮即视为您接受。
FT商学院

Israel’s spiralling offensive

The west must restrain Netanyahu, or it will be haunted by his widening campaign

The killing of Yahya Sinwar should mark a turning point in Israel’s more than year-long campaign to debilitate Hamas and secure the release of its hostages held in Gaza. Ever since the militant group’s horrific October 7 attack, killing the ruthless architect of the assault and decapitating Hamas’s leadership has been a prime Israeli objective. Israel has now taken out most of Hamas’s top commanders in Gaza, its political leader Ismail Haniyeh and severely degraded the group.

It was a moment for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to take his military wins, reach a deal to end the Gaza war and save the hostages. Instead, Israel’s offensive grinds on, deepening the catastrophe for Palestinians trapped in the enclave and prolonging the agony for the families of hostages.

The scenes in northern Gaza over the past week have been horrific. Scores have been killed in the days since Sinwar’s death — the toll from Israel’s onslaught is nearing 43,000 people, according to Palestinian officials. Thousands have been forced from their homes. Even the US took the unprecedented step of warning Israel it would suspend arms sales if it did not do more to ease the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe. Israel has also intensified its assault on Hizbollah, wreaking havoc in Lebanon as its bombs flatten buildings — including non-military targets — while its forces push on with an invasion in the south.

Netanyahu is also preparing his retaliation for Iran’s missile attack on Israel three weeks ago. The region will then wait anxiously for the next round of escalation. Hizbollah, meanwhile, weakened by the killing of its leader Hassan Nasrallah, continues to fire missiles into the Jewish state.

Israel, it seems, is locked in endless wars on multiple fronts. The suspicion is that Netanyahu has bet that with the Biden administration focused on the US election, he has a window to strike hard against Israel’s foes and ignore international pressure for a ceasefire in Gaza or with Hizbollah. He is likely to be calculating that a victory for Donald Trump, who during his first term gifted Netanyahu a number of pro-Israeli policies, would give him even greater licence to strike against Israel’s foes and the Palestinians.

Yet the Biden administration seems to be dancing to Netanyahu’s tune: despite calling for a ceasefire in Lebanon one minute, it supports Israel’s goal of degrading Hizbollah the next. None of this serves the stability of the Middle East — or Israel’s long-term security interests. Hamas and Hizbollah can be decapitated and devastated but will not disappear. Many Hamas fighters are believed to be orphans of previous conflicts as cycles of violence breed new generations of militants. When one leader is killed, another takes over. When a group’s military capacity is debilitated, it reverts to guerrilla tactics.

Military history — including Israel’s past experiences in Lebanon — is littered with the follies of mission creep; of technically superior occupying armies becoming bogged down by insurgencies, often with radical forces filling the void when they depart.

US President Joe Biden must end the year-long cycle of death and destruction. The threat of a full-blown Middle East war grows by the day. It is in the west’s — and the region’s — interest to pressure Netanyahu to take the diplomatic off-ramps that are available. An all-out regional conflict risks drawing American forces into conflict with Iran and its proxies. It would put the Gulf’s oil infrastructure at risk, threaten more disruption to shipping through vital trade routes and fuel more extremism.

Biden has the tools to rein in Netanyahu. He must halt the offensive arms sales to Israel that enable its relentless bombing of Gaza and Lebanon. He can do so without breaking Washington’s commitment to Israel’s defence, including providing air-defence systems. But Biden’s message should be clear: the bombing must stop and the day after must begin. If not, the devastation and suffering in the Middle East will come back to haunt the west.

版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。

这份载入史册的S-1文件的更多要点

在逐条风险因素中,一点一滴拓展我们的意识。

日本在昭和纪念盛典中未正视历史

全国一片热烈庆祝,但这个国家似乎难以理清自己与过去的关系。

这届“类固醇奥运会”连自己设定的终点线都没能跑到

单靠兴奋剂并不能确保在体育运动中取胜。

安德烈娅•沃尔夫谈“漫长的18世纪”的启示

以及为何曾在18世纪70年代与库克船长一同远航的非凡博物学家乔治•福斯特,是一位切合当下时代需求的人物。

19世纪版高效会议指南

一名美国军官兼工程师设计了这一流程,沿用至今。

AI故事并非必然“不是艺术”

在判断质量这件事上,我们不应把自己的判断力外包给机器。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×