Ending the cycles of violence in the Middle East - FT中文网
登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
请输入邮箱和密码进行绑定操作:
请输入手机号码,通过短信验证(目前仅支持中国大陆地区的手机号):
请您阅读我们的用户注册协议隐私权保护政策,点击下方按钮即视为您接受。
战争

Ending the cycles of violence in the Middle East

Only the promise of Palestinian statehood can offer the chance of a resolution

After more than three months of Israel’s devastating Gaza war, Arab states are developing a plan they hope will bring an end to the conflict and lay the foundations for a sustainable peace. At the core of the US-backed initiative is to offer Israel a prize it has long sought: the normalisation of relations with Arab and Muslim states, including the grand prize of Saudi Arabia. In return, Israel would have to commit to “irreversible” steps towards the establishment of a viable Palestinian state.

The premise of the plan, which is expected to be unveiled within weeks, is simple. There can only be a durable peace in the Middle East if the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which has fuelled instability in the region for 75 years, is resolved in a manner that delivers Palestinians the dignity, freedom and homeland they have long sought. But the challenge of securing any such agreement — something that has eluded some of the world’s sharpest diplomatic minds over the years — is anything but.

For a start, there needs to be an end to Israel’s assault against Hamas in Gaza which has killed more than 25,000 people, according to Palestinian officials. The militant group must also release the remaining hostages held in the strip.

That appears remote, however. Hamas is still fighting. And Israeli premier Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly rules out a ceasefire deal with Hamas, even one that would secure the hostages’ freedom. He insists only the destruction of the militants can bring back the hostages and guarantee Israel’s security.

Netanyahu also rejects any discussion on a two-state solution, even as the US and Israel’s other allies push for it as part of a longer-term political vision for the region. Indeed, he boasts of preventing the establishment of a Palestinian state during the 15 years he has towered over Israeli politics and overseen the creeping annexation of the occupied West Bank. On Sunday, he said he would not “compromise on full Israeli security control of all territory west of the Jordan River”, an area that includes the West Bank and Gaza.

Netanyahu is not the only obstacle to progress. In a nation traumatised and enraged by Hamas’s horrific October 7 attack, it is unlikely that any mainstream Israeli leader is ready to advocate working towards a Palestinian state.

There would also need to be a wholesale revamp of the failed Palestinian leadership, to produce one with the legitimacy to engage credibly with Israel and work to guarantee both Palestinians’ and Israelis’ security. Moreover, Hamas’s military capabilities have been severely degraded in Gaza but it will continue to work against a two-state solution.

Still, for all the hurdles and pitfalls, it is vital to shift the Israeli narrative towards a sustainable resolution to the conflict. The prospect of Saudi Arabia, and other states, normalising ties with the Jewish state is one of the few incentives that could shift the mood.

It will require a sustained and determined US diplomatic effort, as well as responsible leadership from both Israelis and Palestinians — all before the US presidential elections in November. As well as offering carrots, the US and European governments must also be willing to use their sticks to convince Israeli leaders that a Palestinian state ultimately serves their own interests.

As challenging as it is, the only way to counter Hamas and the violent extremism it champions is if Palestinians have reason to hope for their future. Israel has dealt Hamas a severe blow but it cannot get rid of it as a movement or ideology. Only Palestinians can. If Israel’s leaders choose to ignore that reality, they are condemning their nation, and future generations of Israelis and Palestinians, to endless cycles of violence.

版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。

“诅咒之岛”:科技游民与诈骗犯藏身的千亿美元奢华开发项目

警方的突击搜查再次打击了马来西亚陷入困境的中资“森林城市”项目的声誉。

问题不在因凡蒂诺

马杜罗:应该将国际足联的监管职能与商业活动分开,其治理应真正做到包容并具有代表性,监督必须真正独立。

俄罗斯扩大“影子”液化天然气船队,应对欧盟禁令

随着明年制裁进一步收紧,越来越多的“影子”船舶将帮助俄罗斯继续出口液化天然气。

阿斯利康与百时美施贵宝:大药企有时也不够大

当资产负债表规模扩大、能够押注潜在重磅药物时,规模才会带来优势。

伯纳姆对教育与机遇的看法为何是错误的?

罗尼格:英国首相伯纳姆从自身经历中得出的结论——人脉对职业发展至关重要——并未得到数据的支持。

高收益债市场迎来第二轮发展

“垃圾债券”这一标签,已经被留在了它所属的时代。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×