Ending the cycles of violence in the Middle East - FT中文网
登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
请输入邮箱和密码进行绑定操作:
请输入手机号码,通过短信验证(目前仅支持中国大陆地区的手机号):
请您阅读我们的用户注册协议隐私权保护政策,点击下方按钮即视为您接受。
战争

Ending the cycles of violence in the Middle East

Only the promise of Palestinian statehood can offer the chance of a resolution

After more than three months of Israel’s devastating Gaza war, Arab states are developing a plan they hope will bring an end to the conflict and lay the foundations for a sustainable peace. At the core of the US-backed initiative is to offer Israel a prize it has long sought: the normalisation of relations with Arab and Muslim states, including the grand prize of Saudi Arabia. In return, Israel would have to commit to “irreversible” steps towards the establishment of a viable Palestinian state.

The premise of the plan, which is expected to be unveiled within weeks, is simple. There can only be a durable peace in the Middle East if the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which has fuelled instability in the region for 75 years, is resolved in a manner that delivers Palestinians the dignity, freedom and homeland they have long sought. But the challenge of securing any such agreement — something that has eluded some of the world’s sharpest diplomatic minds over the years — is anything but.

For a start, there needs to be an end to Israel’s assault against Hamas in Gaza which has killed more than 25,000 people, according to Palestinian officials. The militant group must also release the remaining hostages held in the strip.

That appears remote, however. Hamas is still fighting. And Israeli premier Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly rules out a ceasefire deal with Hamas, even one that would secure the hostages’ freedom. He insists only the destruction of the militants can bring back the hostages and guarantee Israel’s security.

Netanyahu also rejects any discussion on a two-state solution, even as the US and Israel’s other allies push for it as part of a longer-term political vision for the region. Indeed, he boasts of preventing the establishment of a Palestinian state during the 15 years he has towered over Israeli politics and overseen the creeping annexation of the occupied West Bank. On Sunday, he said he would not “compromise on full Israeli security control of all territory west of the Jordan River”, an area that includes the West Bank and Gaza.

Netanyahu is not the only obstacle to progress. In a nation traumatised and enraged by Hamas’s horrific October 7 attack, it is unlikely that any mainstream Israeli leader is ready to advocate working towards a Palestinian state.

There would also need to be a wholesale revamp of the failed Palestinian leadership, to produce one with the legitimacy to engage credibly with Israel and work to guarantee both Palestinians’ and Israelis’ security. Moreover, Hamas’s military capabilities have been severely degraded in Gaza but it will continue to work against a two-state solution.

Still, for all the hurdles and pitfalls, it is vital to shift the Israeli narrative towards a sustainable resolution to the conflict. The prospect of Saudi Arabia, and other states, normalising ties with the Jewish state is one of the few incentives that could shift the mood.

It will require a sustained and determined US diplomatic effort, as well as responsible leadership from both Israelis and Palestinians — all before the US presidential elections in November. As well as offering carrots, the US and European governments must also be willing to use their sticks to convince Israeli leaders that a Palestinian state ultimately serves their own interests.

As challenging as it is, the only way to counter Hamas and the violent extremism it champions is if Palestinians have reason to hope for their future. Israel has dealt Hamas a severe blow but it cannot get rid of it as a movement or ideology. Only Palestinians can. If Israel’s leaders choose to ignore that reality, they are condemning their nation, and future generations of Israelis and Palestinians, to endless cycles of violence.

版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。

美联储在沃什领导下可能拥抱贝森特的地缘经济议程

美国财政部长希望利用货币互换协议来巩固“美元霸权”。

莫迪希望夺取苹果印度生产基地的掌控权

泰米尔纳德邦已成为制造业强省,但莫迪领导的印度人民党迄今难以在这片土地上取得进展。

Lex专栏:标普500指数回升,但战争阴云仍笼罩股市

增长预期上升却未带动估值攀升,说明投资者对未来更加谨慎。

伊朗战争推高化肥成本,美国农民雪上加霜

美国农业部门本已因特朗普贸易战而深受打击,这场冲突又推高了化肥成本。

宾州芯片制造业振兴计划在特朗普任内陷入停滞

高科技半导体制造业发端于利哈伊山谷,但承诺用于其复兴的联邦资金迟迟未能到位。

苹果下一任掌门人特努斯面临决定性的AI时刻

库克的继任者必须带领这家iPhone制造商渡过产业转型。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×